By Dr Mellissa Ifill
This article examines the circumstances under which trade unions, the middle class and political parties formed linkages, particularly during the 1940s and early 1950s in British Guiana and a subsequent article will examine the role played by trade unions during the 1950s and 1960s when Guyana was moving towards independence.
Trade unions in British Guiana by the 1940s had become politically conscious organisations, addressing issues related to the political development of the colony and explicitly aligning themselves with political parties. Political consciousness among trade unions had long been evident. As early as 1920, the first trade union established in the colony in January 1919, the British Guiana Labour Union (BGLU) under the leadership of Hubert Critchlow recognised the importance of labour gaining a foothold in politics to effectively address workers’ needs and a decision was taken to increase Critchlow’s salary from $20 to $120 per month in order for Critchlow to satisfy the income qualification for a seat in the Combined Court.
The question of the governance structure in Guiana and the West Indian region was addressed by the BGLU and other regional labour bodies as they presented a well-designed proposal for political unity among the British West Indian territories at a conference held in British Guiana in 1926. This proposal expressed convincing arguments for federation and regional political and economic unity. These early labour pioneers, including Critchlow and AK Dinally from British Guiana, were not just concerned about the material advancement in the lives of workers, but correctly deduced that this could not be satisfactorily achieved in the presence of an exploitative governance apparatus and this led to their call for a self governing federation.
Labour’s foray into politics was rewarded when along with Ayube Edun of the Man Power Citizens’ Association (MPCA), Critchlow was nominated to the Legislative Council in 1943 to represent the rights of workers. Critchlow was later appointed to the Executive Council in 1944 where he served until 1947. This increased participation of trade unions and their leadership in the governance of British Guiana was the consequence of determined and persistent agitation by trade unions that had long ceased limiting their agenda to economic, social and labouring issues. These trade union leaders had come to the realisation that “…unless workers could influence the legislative process, their desire of winning reforms would be useless”. Trade union leaders consequently demanded that the franchise should be further if not entirely liberalised so that all working class adults could participate in elections.
The 1947 elections generated intense interest as they were the first to be held since 1935 as a consequence of the Second World War along with the difficulties in implementing the recommendations of the Moyne Commission, which were to precede any new elections. One of the findings of the West India Royal Commission, which had been constituted in the wake of widespread disturbances in the British West Indian territories during the latter half of the 1930’s, was that the unrests were largely a result of deteriorating economic conditions which were partially a consequence of a lack of representation of the working classes in the governance institutions of the colonies.
The commission therefore recommended that there be greater representation in the Legislative Council “to ensure that the people were given an increased share in their government…”. The 1941 British Guiana Franchise Commission did not recommend in its 1944 report that universal adult suffrage be introduced, rather it recommended that property qualification for voters and for candidates for election to the Legislative Council be reduced. It was in these circumstances that the 1947 general election was held and not unlike previous elections, individual candidates rather than organised political groups seemed dominant politically. A number of interest groups determined that the political interests of members were just as crucial as their socio-economic ones and these groups established political parties. Thus apart from the Popular Party which had been in existence since the 1926 general elections, ethnic-based groups such as the League of Coloured Peoples and the British Guiana East Indian Association, political groups such the Political Affairs Committee and the Women’s Political and Economic Organisation fielded candidates. In the run up to the 1947 legislative elections, two labour-oriented political parties were also formed and either endorsed or sponsored candidates to contest the election, the British Guiana Labour Party and the MPCA party.
The 1947 elections illuminated the reach and power of labour unions as the BG Labour Party had five successful candidates, the MPCA party had one with the remaining candidates being independents. However, as a political grouping the labour party was unable to capitalise on its initial success as it was charged with becoming more consumed with political power rather than remaining focused on its initial agenda, namely securing political influence to enhance the lives and livelihoods of workers. As Ashton Chase noted, the labour party essentially evolved into “a collection of individuals primarily seeking political honours and working together for mutual assistance”.
Also pertinent to the question of the political activism of trade unions, was the connection that developed between politically savvy middle class leaders and trade unions. Since no mass political parties had emerged by the mid 1940s, middle class politicians gravitated towards trade unions because they were well organised groups that had large captive constituencies. Apart from the desire to benefit from the strategic position which the unions had carved out for themselves by the mid 20th century, the middle class leaders in British Guiana were also attracted to the unions because of the militancy with which they advanced their members’ interests. Middle class leaders quickly dominated the executive bodies of the many unions. Meanwhile, working class labour leaders benefited from the intellectual ideas and management skills offered by the middle class leaders.
Prominent and emergent political leaders including the Jagans and later Forbes Burnham upon his return, realised the value of being perceived as defenders of workers’ rights as those candidates who appealed to labour sympathies secured more votes than the candidates who were strictly political. The overwhelming majority of the electorate once universal adult suffrage was secured would be low wage workers and one crucial lesson learnt by those seeking higher office was that these workers were more inclined than not to support a labour oriented party and/or an individual who was an active trade unionist. In other words, middle class politicians and political parties needed affiliations with trade unions in order to realise their ambitions. The 1953 Waddington Commission remarked on the connection between political parties and trade unions:
“Trade unions have a valued and essential role to play in a modern society and we recognise the excellent work of those who came forward to found them in British Guiana … it is therefore a position and prestige given by the presidency of a union should prove so sore a temptation to personal ambition than to the real benefit of the worker”.
By the early 1950s, middle class leaders were participating in the political governance of the colony while the social and economic welfare of the working classes became better organised and served. However, one distinctive feature of these mergers was the exploitation of workers’ ethnic allegiances by middle class politicians. Consequently, labour unions under ethnic middle class leadership, and aligned with middle class ethnically exclusive associations, soon embraced an ethnic outlook and this had grave implications as a subsequent article will discuss, on Guyana’s independence movement.
