Guyanese have long known that Haiti had been the poorest country in the Caribbean. But they were shocked to learn in 1989 from a report of a Common-wealth Advisory Group on Guyana’s Economic and Social Situation headed by Sir Alister McIntrye that “Guyana’s high debt ratio was not conducive to sustained economic growth and that Guyana was ranked below Haiti as the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere.” This remained a political talking point for decades.
Guyana has since moved on and one significant reason is the restoration of democracy in 1992. Haiti remained historically bedeviled by political instability that continued after the end of the Duvalier era in 1986. Political instability fostered by dictatorial rule, enforced by armed gangs, kept Haiti in a state of poverty and near anarchy, aggravated by the 2010 earthquake and a quarter of a million dead from which Haiti has not recovered. Much of the billions in aid has been stolen. Haiti has not been repaired and the conditions of poverty have grown worse. The COVID-19 virus is exploding. There are no vaccines.
As a member of Caricom, Haiti is frequently in the news. Ambassador Sir Ron Sanders has written extensively on Haiti for years, often pointing out the dangers of Caricom allowing the violence, instability and poverty to fester. He has participated in efforts to resolve Haiti’s problems and has warned that the situation will only get worse if the new crisis is not resolved. The clear sign of impending catastrophe was the trafficking of Haitians through Guyana into Brazil which started about five years ago. As with backtracking to the US and legal and illegal migration to Caribbean countries from Guyana in the 1970s onwards, trafficking from Haiti was a sure sign that the situation was deteriorating. The last administration knew that trafficking was taking place and, as would be expected, its silence led to political fears about electoral manipulation to be voiced. But there was never any evidence that Haitians were remaining in Guyana and in fact, it was clear that they were being trafficked to Brazil.
Amidst controversy, the Government has invoked Article 46 Section 3 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, which states: “Nothing in this Treaty shall be construed as inhibiting Member States from according Community nationals unrestricted access to, and movement within, their jurisdictions subject to such conditions as the public may require.” The Government used this section as the basis to impose a visa requirement for Haitians to prevent trafficking. It should be made clear that Guyana is required to respect international conventions relating to refugees, as in the case of Venezuelan refugees, but also to stop trafficking which is an international crime. The recent discovery of abandoned groups of Haitians in Berbice and the hinterland, added urgency to the issue. The Government, apparently acting under the above provision, imposed visa requirements for Haitians.
While Guyana has moved on since 1992, the situation in Haiti continued to decline, with increasing poverty, violence, extensive corruption and political instability, ending in the horrifying assassination of President Juvenal Moise. Haiti needed free and fair elections, independent democratic and civil institutions, an independent judiciary and much international support. The most important bodies to bring those things about were the United States Government and Caricom. Both collaborated admirably on Guyana. They may not have been ad idem on Haiti and the situation was allowed to fester and explode.
I know too little about Haiti and the facts surrounding the brutal assassination of President Moise to offer any informed views. But a few things are known. No foreign country has any interest in assassinating President Moise. The assassination was extensively planned, daringly executed by professionals and therefore had to be heavily financed. The Haitian ruling class, namely, its wealthy, light-skinned elite, has always had a secure enough grip on political and economic policy to protect its interests which it exercised through the military and government. A Black Haitian middle class of French-speaking, professional and small to medium businesspeople has been emerging since the Duvalier era.
It is a normal phenomenon for groups such as these to be in conflict. Although the election which took President Moise to power could hardly be called an election, he was a member of this Black middle class, had built his own criminal gangs which were slaughtering street demonstrators and ominously, had been threatening the ruling class. He declared his intention to amend the constitution to give himself a second term in office. I am not accusing any person or group of being behind the assassination. But logic dictates that a ruling class under threat is likely to act to protect itself. This cycle will continue until the grip of Haiti’s ruling class is removed. The only person who tried was President Bertrand Aristide. Deposed twice, in 1990 and 2008, he failed.
The United States’ political and economic dominance and the devastating and shameless tribute exacted by France from Haiti, not forgetting the power of Haiti’s ruling class, are the substantial reasons for Haiti continued impoverishment and political instability. A political solution, based on a democratic constitution, protecting all interests and all institutions, but based on majority rule, is urgently required. That’s the sticking point – rule by the majority for the majority.
This column is reproduced, with permission, from Ralph Ramkarran’s blog, www.conversationtree.gy
