Today’s column will complete the remaining chapters VI to X of Raphael Trotman’s book. Before I do so, let me acknowledge the articles carried in the Kaieteur News, written by Ms. Kiana Wilburg, their senior reporter in that paper’s inimitable style.
Chapter VI
Chapter VI begins with the signing of the first ever petroleum production sharing licence in Guyana, described by Trotman as “the single most important investment in Guyana’s history since the first sugar plantation was established in the 1600s”. Again, it was President Granger who instructed him “to ensure production by 2020”, which of course, was the year for the next scheduled general elections. Trotman quotes Sir Paul Collier, development economist from the United Kingdom, exhorting the government “to get it out of the ground and monetise it as quickly as possible”. Mr Trotman was particularly pleased that production was achieved in 4 1/2 years, which he claimed, not quite accurately, to be half the industry standard.
The chapter relates the anxious wait for the EPA to grant its environmental permit even as the GGMC working with WorleyParsons, an international consultancy company, reviewed and cleared the Liza Phase One Development Plan.
Demonstrating some unawareness of Google and Amazon and the governing petroleum legislation, Trotman claimed to have experienced difficulty in conceptualising what a production licence should look like and related that another of his advisers, Ms. Jackie Khouri had to obtain an “unofficial copy” from an African state.
Chapter VII
Trotman begins Chapter VII – The Criticism & Debunking Some of the Myths, Lies and Misunderstandings Regarding Signing Exxon Contract, by referring to a death threat “in at least one known instance”, but without any details. Equally significantly, in the same (first) paragraph, Trotman strongly advocates that “As difficult and as challenging as a formal judicial inquiry would be, I still believe that one is necessary to set the record straight”.
At a personal level, the chapter relates the health challenges Trotman faced as a result of stress, while stoically bearing it “as what he signed up for”. He was neither stoic nor charitable to his so-called friends and family who he claimed were aware “of the truth”. It notes the current administration’s condemnation of the 2016 agreement as “the worst in the world”, while blatantly exploiting its massive economic gains and benefits.
Before addressing what he referred to as myths, lies and misunderstandings, Trotman emphasised that solidifying the relationship with Exxon was what he understood as the basis for a new agreement even as he goes on to state that it is neither immutable nor unshakable. But pained by the criticism of a give-away, in language worthy of strict repetition, Trotman states: “Ironically, the very initiative that was meant to preserve and protect our sovereignty, has led to us giving away our patrimony”.
The criticisms addressed in the chapter were: (1) that he acted alone in negotiating and signing the Agreement; (2) that the Exxon deal was the worst ever; (3) the signing bonus; (4) that he received money; (5) that he ignored advice; (6) the stability clause; (7) the agreement was signed in Texas; and finally, (8) that the President and Cabinet were unaware of the agreement. No. 1 is linked to No. 8, which was covered in column 111, as was No. (7). This column will briefly deal with the others, except to say that it was minister Carl Greenidge who first told him that he “needed to facilitate and accommodate”.
On the second point Mr Trotman draws on statistics prepared by Rystad Energy, Wood Mackenzie, and the IMF to show that the 2016 Agreement is “within the average for new frontier oil producers.” Mr. Trotman shows a stubborn lack of understanding and appreciation that there is an ocean of difference between a pre-discovery agreement and a post-discovery agreement. He could have gone further by telling Exxon that they were not eligible for another agreement other than a production licence for any discoveries prior to the end of the 1999 Agreement in 2018.
On No. (3), Mr Trotman described the bonus as a “veneer”, a synonym for which is a façade, a mask, a false description. The plain truth is that it was to pay legal expenses as much in the interest of Exxon as it was for Guyana. He categorically denied (4) and (5) while on (6) he argued that the Stability Clause in the Exxon agreement was no different from those of other agreements signed by the PPP/C.
Chapter VIII – Handing Over
In this Chapter, Trotman recounts his initiative to transfer responsibility from the Ministry to a new Department of Energy. Trotman relates that he wrote Granger at the end of 2017 proposing that he should assume responsibility for the petroleum sector, partly because of its importance, and partly because the task “had become a poisoned chalice”. Trotman also relates his recommendation to the President for the establishment of a Petroleum Commission, the bill for which was referred to a Select Committee.
Trotman also related his role in the creation of a Department of Energy and in heading the task force to prepare a short list of candidates for a head of that department. Dr. Mark Bynoe was appointed as the head. Not much is said in the book about the performance of the Department of Energy.
Chapter IX – Liza Destiny, Unity and Prosperity
In this chapter, Trotman refers to his prior experiences of flying on a US military aircraft in 2007 and 2008. While describing those as privileges, Trotman took great pride in the helicopter ride on 21 May 2015 when he accompanied Granger and Harmon to tour the Deep Water Champion which had made the discovery announced a few days earlier.
Perhaps the most significant disclosure in this chapter is that when the Liza Unity arrived in Guyana’s waters in October 2021, it was welcomed by its godmother, First Lady, Arya Ali. Trotman went on to note that “there is no hiding the relationship between the First Lady and our family, and so, her welcoming the Liza Unity was providential to say the least.”
Chapter X Notable Achievements
The achievements are set more fully in Appendix E Performance Report 2015 – 2020. In the chapter itself, Mr Trotman demonstrates admirable modesty, preferring to concentrate on some of his regrets, including their inability to establish a shore base in Berbice and the retooling of the Port Mourant Training Centre. He also expressed regrets about the functioning of the Guyana Forestry Commission and the strained relationship with the mining community.
But in this review, it would be an injustice to Mr Trotman not to highlight some of those major successes including an MOU with the Petroleum Institute of Mexico for training and capacity building, and with assistance from the Commonwealth Secretariat, the preparation of a Petroleum Commission Bill, A Sovereign Wealth Fund bill and Health and Safety and Environmental Regulations.
Next week: In column 113, I will give my own take of the entire book and draw some comparisons between the APNU+AFC’s and the PPP/C’s management of the sector, and by extension, between Trotman and the current Minister.
