Dear Editor,
Two important international gatherings took place almost at the same time in the month of October. The 16th summit of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India China and South Africa) was held in Kazan, the Russian Federation from 22-24 October. That event was convened under the theme; ‘Strengthening Multilateralism For Just Global Development and Security.’ The 27th Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM) was held in Samoa from 25 to 26 October under the theme “One Resilient Common Future: Transforming our Common Wealth”. The themes of both events reflected the focus and emphasis of the two world gatherings.
S/N’s editorial published on Sunday, October 27, 2024 ‘BRICS and Venezuela’ chose to focus on the outcome of the BRICS summit probably because of international news reports that Brazil had vetoed Venezuela’s application to join BRICS as a ‘Partner Nation.’ Commenting on that development, the S/N editorial stated that, ‘From Guyana’s point of view it is no great tragedy that Venezuela is being excluded from BRICS for the time being. The fewer fora where she has the opportunity to spread her poison and fantasies about our western border among nations who will not hear what we have to say, the better. It will be remembered that decades ago Guyana managed to exclude Venezuela from the Non-Aligned Movement for the same reason. The editorial went on to state; ‘Exactly how this current scenario will evolve is difficult to predict, but in the meantime, the government here should be working to educate our own public about the border issue, as well as the world beyond our frontiers.’
As regards taking the message ‘beyond our frontiers’ it is to be recalled that as recent as the 29th session of the United Nations General Assembly held in New York on September’24, President Ali told the premier world gathering: “Guyana is a small State that has had to contend with aggression from the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela for all 58 years of our nationhood. International law and its strict application have been our armour and our shield in our determination to protect ourselves from this aggression. Ali reaffirmed “Guyana’s unwavering commitment to a peaceful resolution of this long-standing controversy in full conformity with international law and the principles set forth in the United Nation.”
While Guyana did not have a voice at the BRICS summit it did have a voice at CHOGM. Paragraph 46 of the Apia declaration states: ‘Heads received an update from Guyana on recent developments. On 1 December 2023, the ICJ issued an Order of Provisional Measures, and on 14 December 2023 the Joint Declaration of Argyle for Dialogue and Peace was agreed to by Guyana and Venezuela, with support from the Caribbean Community and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. Guyana informed that Venezuela continued its aggressive posture and expressed concern that the continued military build-up by Venezuela on the border between the two countries poses a threat to regional peace and security. Guyana also informed that on 3 April 2024, the Government of Venezuela promulgated the organic law to annex more than two-thirds of Guyana’s territory. This was brought to the attention of the United Nations Security Council which reminded both parties that they were obligated to comply with the Order of the ICJ. Heads noted the submission by Venezuela on 8 April 2024, of its Counter-Memorial to the ICJ and the Order dated 14 June 2024 of the ICJ authorising the submission of a Reply by Guyana on 9 December 2024 and a Rejoinder by Venezuela on 11 August 2025. Heads reiterated their continued support for the ICJ which has accepted jurisdiction over the controversy, to resolve the matter fully and finally by means of its binding legal judgment. Heads reaffirmed the Commonwealth’s unswerving support for the preservation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Guyana.’
And, unlike CHOGM, BRICS zoomed in on Haiti declaring; ‘We deplore the brutal gang attack in Pont-Sondé, in Haiti, which resulted in the deaths and the forced displacement of civilians, and express deep concern over the ongoing deterioration of the security, humanitarian and economic situation in Haiti. We commend the establishment of Haiti ́s Transitional Presidential Council and the creation of an electoral council, as essential steps to solve the current crisis. We stress that the current crisis requires a Haitian-led solution that encompasses national and inclusive dialogue and consensus building among local political forces, institutions and the society and call on the international community to support the interim government’s endeavors to dismantle the gangs, enhance the security situation and put in place the foundations for long-lasting social and economic development in the country and hold general elections by the end of 2025. We support the role of the United Nations in providing humanitarian assistance and highlight the need for international cooperation to address Haiti’s multifaceted crises.’
CHOGM ‘24 was not without controversy. A proposed section for the final communique, referencing reparations, had been vetoed by the UK. Instead, a watered-down section of communique, called merely for; ‘discussions on reparatory justice with regard to the trans-Atlantic trade in enslaved Africans and chattel enslavement and recognising the importance of this matter to member states of the Commonwealth, the majority of which share common historical experiences … agreed that the time has come for a meaningful, truthful and respectful conversation towards forging a common future based on equity. Heads further agreed to continue playing an active role in bringing about such inclusive conversations.’
Sincerely,
Clement J. Rohee