Introduction
Today’s column continues with a presentation of Envision Research’s modelling of ExxonMobil’s seeming turnaround away from the process of zombification, as I have explained this term.
Introduction
As indicated last week, because of space constraints, this week’s column begins with my introduction of a Schedule that I could not have presented then.
Introduction
Today’s column treats with my support for the well-sustained assertion to the effect that ExxonMobil, in the second half of the 2010s and certainly all of 2020, had become a classic zombie firm, as defined in last week’s column as a business, finance and economics concept.
Introduction
In an earlier column, January 16, I had intimated that this ongoing series of columns, which I have been pursuing could well turn out to be, frankly, an overly ambitious task.
Introduction
Today’s column will advance the notion of happenstance, which I had introduced in last week’s, as representing the most apt explanation for Guyana’s revealed creaming curve of world-class recoverable petroleum discoveries.
Introduction
Today’s column has two broad objectives. The first is to keep the promise I made last week to start today’s column with brief comments on the current situation in regard to global climate action, specifically as manifested in this year’s United Nations Environment Program, UNEP’s, Production Gap Report.
Introduction
As I had noted in last week’s column, there are two major analytical observations that flow from my discussions of the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs.
Introduction
Today’s column considers the Buxton Proposal as it relates to the United Nations undertaking to pursue sustainable development via a partnership among its Member Countries.
Introduction
Because of its centrality to the query — as to whether projected oil revenues are likely to be large enough and sufficiently stable to finance successfully income transfers of the magnitude and stability required to alleviate substantially income poverty in Guyana — I need to explore more fully the workings of Government Take under the ruling PSA.
Introduction
Today’s column and the next three provide a wrap-up commentary of aspects of the Buxton Proposal, which I believe have been somewhat misconstrued; whether by design or otherwise, in various public and private exchanges.
Introduction
I began the discussion on the petroleum metrics and finances of the Buxton Proposal by observing that the only material change to the data previously utilized was the computation of Government Take by the IDB in their Technical Note back in August 2020, entitled ‘Traversing a Slippery Slope: Guyana’s Oil Opportunity.’
Introduction
Today’s column has two primary goals. The first is to provide non-specialist readers, after five successive weekly columns, with a brief re-cap of the distinguishing elements of the Buxton Proposal.
Introduction
As indicated in last week’s column, today’s begins with the reproduction of the list of ten key references to guide inquiring readers who may need further information on the practice of cash transfers as a poverty policy intervention tool.
Introduction
In last week’s column I was able to introduce only four of the 11 reasonings, or what I have labelled as the Whys and Wherefores, which lie behind my singling out of a portion of Guyana’s windfall oil revenues for cash transfers to Guyanese households as a singularly effective policy intervention measure against income poverty.
Introduction
Today’s column focuses on the third and fourth broad areas of coverage related to the Buxton Proposal, as indicated in my first column on this topic two weeks ago.